The Caribbean Coast of Nicaragua
The
fabled Caribbean "Mosquito" Coast of Nicaragua represents one of the last roadless and
isolated areas of
Central America, a condition
that has contributed to its wildness and has hampered its economic development.
The isolation of the
Caribbean Coast is diminishing
as two new highways that connect the coast to the national highway system and
to global markets are completed. The first road, from El Rama to Pearl Lagoon
(Figure 1), was completed in the summer of 2007. The second highway is planned
to connect Nueva
Guinea
(inland) to Monkey Point (coastal) and serve as a “dry canal.”
To
some extent the
Mosquito Coast has benefited from
isolation. Isolation spared the communities from many of the economic disasters
experienced by the rest of the country. The region has avoided the widespread
trends of agricultural failure, resource exhaustion, and urban migration
observed in many communities that depend on agriculture and natural resources
for their livelihoods. Because of its isolation, it has not been affected by an
influx of competing imported goods (agricultural or otherwise) and has
maintained its agrarian/fisheries economy. Local knowledge has allowed farmers
to cultivate single pieces of land for generations, reducing the strain of
shifting agriculture on local natural resources (Christie et al. 2000).
Communal management of farmlands, pine savannas, marine resources and lowland
rainforests may have allowed these villages to reduce their impact (Hale et al.
1998, Christie 1999).
Our
study focuses on several villages on
Nicaragua
’s
Caribbean
Coast. While each community differs in its
degree of connectedness to global networks, many share similarities in
ethnicity, ecological characteristics, resource dependence, and land tenure regimes
(Table 1).
Ethnic Diversity
Known as the land of six faces,
Nicaragua
’s
Caribbean
Coast
is a melting pot of different ethnicities. The six major ethnicities are
Afro-Caribbean (Creole), Mestizo (Spanish-Indigenous), Garifuna, Miskito, Rama,
and Sumo, the last three being indigenous groups. The diversity has made the
area an anthropological hotbed, with the majority of research historically on
the coast focusing on indigenous cultures and relationships between cultures
(Hale et al. 1998). The villages in our study represent a wide mix of these
ethnicities (Table 1).
Natural Resources: Marine
The
Mosquito Coast region is one of
Central America’s
richest in terms of natural resources. The very productive estuary of Pearl
Lagoon is over 52,000 ha in surface area (Christie et al. 2000). Its
fluctuating salinity makes it seasonally home to great numbers of fish and
shrimp, with the species abundance varying with salinity. Fishing for
“gillfish” was historically done with castnet and trotline, but since the mid
1980s there has been a great increase in gillnetting. Shrimp fishing in the
lagoon is done with castnet and small trawlers (max depth ~5m). From anecdotal
evidence, both gillfish and shrimp populations are thought to be decreasing.
The second major marine ecosystem in the region is the
coral reef and turtlegrass flats located outside of the estuary (Figure 1). The
reefs have historically been home to spiny lobster which was harvested for its
high commercial value. The stocks of lobsters around the Pearl Keys have
greatly diminished, causing fishermen to travel to deeper water reefs in search
of the lobsters. Lobster fishing is done both by diving and with traps.
Natural Resources: Terrestrial
At the meeting of sea and land exists vast areas of
mangrove forest. On the shores of the
Caribbean
and the Pearl Lagoon Estuary and riparian areas extending far up into the
rivers, forests are dominated by Red Mangrove (Rhizophora mangle) and White Mangrove (Laguncularia racemosa). The mangroves are important for timber
resources and as nurseries for the fish and shrimp populations. Mangrove
destruction is of great concern globally, and this perimeter ecosystem could be
greatly affected by changes in the region.
Where sandy soils exist inland, the
Caribbean
pine, (Pinus caribea) mixes with palmettos (Sabal spp. and Acoelorraphe
wrightii), cashew trees (Anacardium
occidentale) and grasses on pine savannahs. The pine savannahs have been
exploited for timber at greater than sustainable rates. Pine trees are still
present and extensive clearcutting has been avoided, but larger trees are
scarce. The savannahs are restricted to areas north of Pearl Lagoon.
The predominant clay soils of the region are home to
tropical lowland rainforest. The hyper-diverse rainforest is home to hundreds
of tree species and associated rich biodiversity (Vandermeer et al. 2004,
Christie 1999, Urquhart 1997, 2004). The
rainforests have been utilized for hardwood timber, hunting grounds, and some
harvesting.
Agriculture in the region is located on both clay soils
and in clay-sand mixes where pine would naturally transition to hardwood
rainforest. Clay soils are of poor quality for agriculture and are quickly
exhausted, contributing to the highly mobile nature of peasant farmers along
the agricultural frontier. Around the Pearl Lagoon basin, farming is mostly
done on transitional clay-sand soils that have good drainage characteristics
and adequate nutrient supply. Agriculture in the Rocky Point area, just SW of
Pearl Lagoon town, and around Kakabila, Brown Bank, and
Orinoco
has existed for decades in relatively stable parcels. Most parcels have a
mixture of annual and perennial crops, with cassava, beans, corn, pineapple,
and plantain being the major crops.
Pre-Connection Economics
As an example, the economy of one of our study communities,
Pearl Lagoon, has historically been based on fisheries and agricultural
products. The main fisheries products (i.e. lobster, shrimp, and gillfish) differ
in the markets to which they are delivered. Lobster is sold at a distant buying
and processing station on
Corn
Island, shrimp is sold to
a processor near Bluefields or sold for local consumption, and the majority of
gillfish is consumed locally. Most agricultural products (i.e. cassava, corn,
beans, and Aroid root vegetables) are sold locally, with few products even
reaching the markets of Bluefields, only 30km to the south.
Like in many poor communities, family remittances from
relatives working in the
United
States
or on cruise ships contribute
significantly to the local economy. The other major contribution to the economy
is tourism, which is limited by the need to travel to Bluefields (also not
reachable by road) first and then through informally organized boat transit to
Pearl Lagoon. The economy has suffered due to isolation. Gasoline prices are
15-25% higher than in nearby Bluefields and supply is intermittent, sometimes
crippling the fishing industry (and leaving researchers in the dark!).
Land Tenure
Land tenure regimes are highly variable along the
Mosquito Coast. Many communities have communal land
tenure with roots in the indigenous Miskito/Sumo culture. Although individuals
do not have formal title over land, particular parcels have stayed under the
control of families for generations, leading to a recent effort to demarcate
and formalize individual land tenure for fear of increasing outsider encroachment
(Gordon et al. 2003).
The
threat of outsiders usurping communal lands is not an imagined one; in 1999 a
US
entrepreneur
obtained titles to the Pearl Keys, a series of communally owned, palm covered
islands just outside the Pearl Lagoon estuary. Many of the Pearl Keys were sold
to outside American, Greek, and Australian investors, and their privatization
had a significant impact. The Pearl Keys were communal bases for lobster
fishermen who could camp on any island during the lobster season. Privatization
meant exclusion, and the fishermen found themselves no longer able to use the
islands their families had used for generations. Several acts of defiance (e.g.
arson and property destruction) have occurred since the sales of these islands.
The legitimacy of the entrepreneur’s ownership and sales of titles has been
challenged in Nicaraguan courts, and it appears that the communal ownership
will triumph. This very complicated case illustrates the impact that a breach
in isolation can have for an isolated community and serves as a caveat for
moving forward in connecting to outside economies.
Isolation and the New Roads
Based
on our initial observations and data gathering, coastal inhabitants lament the
impacts of isolation—lack of markets for their products, intermittent and
costly fuel supply, slow development and poor functioning of infrastructure (i.e.
electric, water), and lack of formal employment opportunities. Under requests
from the Pearl Lagoon town residents and the nearby town of
Kukra Hill, the national government developed
a plan to build a road connecting these communities to the national highway
system at El Rama.
The
Institute for Rural Development (IDR) conceived the roadbuilding project in
2005. With funding from
Japan
’s
KR2 aid foundation, IDR engineers began construction of the segment from El
Rama, the end of paved highways, to Kukra Hill in early 2006. Although the road
was still incomplete, automobile and truck transit to Pearl Lagoon began in
January 2007. In less than 18 months total, the 70 km road reached Pearl Lagoon
in mid 2007. The unpaved, gravel-surfaced road is highly subject to weathering
and erosion, and Hurricane Felix damaged large sections of the road in
September 2007.
Figure 1. Caribbean
“Mosquito” Coast (shaded area) of
Nicaragua
showing key communities. Inset
map is a composite showing terrestrial land classification based on Landsat
image Path 015 Row 05. Note extensive forest and savannah around
Pearl
Lagoon
Basin. Image processed
using ERDAS Imagine and ground-truthed in southern Pearl Lagoon basin. Key to
inset map: A – Pearl Lagoon Town, B – Kukra Hill, C – Kakabila, D – Brown Bank,
E – La Fe, F – Orinoco, G – Marshall Point, H – Wawachang, I – Karawala. Other
abbreviations: RAAN – Northern Atlantic Autonomous Region, RAAS – Southern
Atlantic Autonomous Region, RSJ – Rio San Juan province.

Table
1. Characteristics of communities to be
studied. Italicized per capita incomes based on regional averages. Keys for ecosystems: Terrestrial:
R-Rainforest, M-Mangrove, P-Pine, W-Swamp/Wetland; Marine/Aquatic: E-Estuary,
C-Coral Reefs, I-Inshore, F-Freshwater Rivers.
Community |
Popu-lation a,b |
Ethnicities a,b |
Per
Capita Income (US $) b |
Economic
Sectors (ranked) |
Land
Tenure |
NaturalEcosystemsc,d |
Pearl
Lagoon |
2,540 |
Creole
30%, Miskito 30% |
$370 |
Fisheries,Agriculture,Tourism |
Communal |
R,P,M
E,C,I |
Kukra
Hill |
8,763 |
Mestizo
80%, Creole 15% |
$386 |
Oil Palm,
Agriculture |
Titled/
Private |
R,M
F |
Monkey
Point |
662 |
Creole,
Rama |
~$200 |
Agriculture,
Fisheries |
Untitled,
Cooperatives |
R,M
I |
Kakabila |
497 |
Miskito
80% |
<$200 |
Fisheries,Agriculture |
Communal |
R,P,M,W
E,F |
Brown
Bank |
202 |
Garifuna
60%, Creole 40% |
<$200 |
Fisheries,Agriculture |
Communal |
R,P,M,W
E,F |
Marshall
Point |
261 |
Creole |
<$200 |
FisheriesAgriculture |
Communal |
R,P, M,W
E |
Orinoco |
1,010 |
Garifuna |
<$200 |
Fisheries,Agriculture |
Communal |
R,P,M,W
E |
La Fe |
110 |
Garifuna |
<$200 |
Agriculture |
Communal |
R,M,W
E |
Wawashang |
|
Creole,
Miskito |
<$200 |
Agriculture |
Communal,
Untitled |
R,S,W
F |
Karawala |
4,112 |
Undeclared
50%, Miskito 20% |
$418 |
Agriculture,Fisheries |
Titled,
Untitled |
W,R,M
E, F |
Prinzapolka |
5,615 |
Miskito
60%, Mestizo 25% |
$110 |
Agriculture,Fisheries |
Communal |
W,R,M
I, F |
Punta
Gorda (RAAS) |
623 |
Creole, Rama |
~$200 |
Agriculture |
Untitled,
Cooperatives |
R, M
I,F |
Sources: a Institute for Natural Resources, Environment, and Sustainable Development,
URACCAN,
Bluefields,
Nicaragua
.
b United Nations Development Program,
Managua,
Nicaragua
.
c Nicaraguan Institute of the
Terrestrial Studies,
Managua,
Nicaragua
.
d Remote sensing data.
This project is supported by the NSF Dynamics of Coupled Natural and Human Systems (CNH) Program.
 |